Bill's Notes

Go ahead, justify mercy without faith
So what's going on? Here's one interpretation by G.K. Chesterton. If you read nothing else before the election, read this, because it tells the story of what we have to look forward to if we continue to abandon the Christian faith (leaving us at the mercy of several unresolvable epistemological problems):


{L]ooking back on older religious crises, I seem to see a certain coincidence, or rather, a set of things too coincident to be called a coincidence After all, when I come to think of it, all the other revolts against the Church, before the Revolution and especially since the Reformation, had told the same strange story. Every great heretic had always exhibit three remarkable characteristics in combination. First, he picked out some mystical idea from the Church's bundle or balance of mystical ideas. Second, he used that one mystical idea against all the other mystical ideas. Third (and most singular), he seems generally to have had no notion that his own favourite mystical idea was a mystical idea, at least in the sense of a mysterious or dubious or dogmatic idea. With a queer uncanny innocence, he seems always to have taken this one thing for granted. He assumed it to be unassailable, even when he was using it to assail all sorts of similar things. The most popular and obvious example is the Bible. To an impartial pagan or sceptical observer, it must always seem the strangest story in the world; that men rushing in to wreck a temple, overturning the altar and driving out the priest, found there certain sacred volumes inscribed "Psalms" or "Gospels"; and (instead of throwing them on the fire with the rest) began to use them as infallible oracles rebuking all the other arrangements. If the sacred high altar was all wrong, why were the secondary sacred documents necessarily all right? If the priest had faked his Sacraments, why could he not have faked his Scriptures? Yet it was long before it even occurred to those who brandished this one piece of Church furniture to break up all the other Church furniture that anybody could be so profane as to examine this one fragment of furniture itself. People were quite surprised, and in some parts of the world are still surprised, that anybody should dare to do so.

Again, the Calvinists took the Catholic idea of the absolute knowledge and power of God; and treated it as a rocky irreducible truism so solid that anything could be built on it, however crushing or cruel. They were so confident in their logic, and its one first principle of predestination, that they tortured the intellect and imagination with dreadful deductions about God, that seemed to turn Him into a demon. But it never seems to have struck them that somebody might suddenly say that he did not believe in the demon. They were quite surprised when people called "infidels" here and there began to say it. They had assumed the Divine foreknowledge as so fixed, that it must, if necessary, fulfil itself by destroying the Divine mercy. They never thought anybody would deny the knowledge exactly as they denied the mercy. Then came Wesley and the reaction against Calvinism; and Evangelicals seized on the very Catholic idea that mankind has a sense of sin; and they wandered about offering everybody release from his mysterious burden of sin. It is a proverb, and almost a joke, that they address a stranger in the street and offer to relax his secret agony of sin. But it seldom seemed to strike them, until much later, that the man in the street might possibly answer that he did not want to be saved from sin, any more than from spotted fever or St. Vitus's Dance; because these things were not in fact causing him any suffering at all. They, in their turn, were quite surprised when the result of Rousseau and the revolutionary optimism began to express itself in men claiming a purely human happiness and dignity; a contentment with the comradeship of their kind; ending with the happy yawp of Whitman that he would not "lie awake and weep for his sins."

Now the plain truth is that Shelley and Whitman and the revolutionary optimists were themselves doing exactly the same thing all over again. They also, though less consciously because of the chaos of their times, had really taken out of the old Catholic tradition one particular transcendental idea; the idea that there is a spiritual dignity in man as man, and a universal duty to love men as men. And they acted in exactly the same extraordinary fashion as their prototypes, the Wesleyans and the Calvinists. They took it for granted that this spiritual idea was absolutely self-evident like the sun and moon; that nobody could ever destroy that, though in the name of it they destroyed everything else. They perpetually hammered away at their human divinity and human dignity, and inevitable love for all human beings; as if these things were naked natural facts. And now they are quite surprised when new and restless realists suddenly explode, and begin to say that a pork-butcher with red whiskers and a wart on his nose does not strike them as particularly divine or dignified, that they are not conscious of the smallest sincere impulse to love him, that they could not love him if they tried, or that they do not recognize any particular obligation to try.

It might appear that the process has come to an end, and that there is nothing more for the naked realist to shed. But it is not so; and the process can still go on. There are still traditional charities to which men cling. There are still traditional charities for them to fling away when they find they are only traditional. Everybody must have noticed in the most modern writers the survival of a rather painful sort of pity. They no longer honour all men, like St. Paul and the other mystical democrats. It would hardly be too much to say that they despise all men; often (to do them justice) including themselves. But they do in a manner pity all men, and particularly those that are pitiable; by this time they extend the feeling almost disproportionately to the other animals. This compassion for men is also tainted with its historical connection with Christian charity; and even in the case of animals, with the example of many Christian saints. There is nothing to show that a new revulsion from such sentimental religions will not free men even from the obligation of pitying the pain of the world. Not only Nietzsche, but many Neo-Pagans working on his lines, have suggested such hardness as a higher intellectual purity. And having read many modern poems about the Man of the Future, made of steel and illumined with nothing warmer than green fire, I have no difficulty in imagining a literature that should pride itself on a merciless and metallic detachment. Then, perhaps, it might be faintly conjectured that the last of the Christian virtues had died. But so long as they lived they were Christian.


A lot of what I've been trying to say on this blog is better written there by Chesterton: You cannot justify mercy, a heart for the poor, love of neighbor, or even truth and beauty without recourse to faith. From Pascal to Godel and even the postmodernists, it's all there. The difference is the postmodernists incoherently embrace their lack of faith, which sure is a strange type of faith, but a type of faith nonetheless.

You will be believe in pre-rational concepts, no matter who you are, even if it's faith in your own brain. The question is which ones.
At least one Obama supporter doesn't get it.


She supports and was moved by Obama's speech because, "I won't have to work to put gas in my car. I won't have to work to pay my mortgage."

Honey, Obama's not going to pay for your gas and mortgage.
The Obama infomercial
Some thoughts:

1. With a few exceptions, most people interviewed were doing quite well. Some were whining that, essentially, life is difficult. The snack-rationing, for example.

2. A few others were worried about what might happen. Especially the well-dressed, healthy woman in the new SUV.

3. There were three legitimate points made:

* The retired couple where the wife's medical bills forced her husband back to work. However, I should note that here in the U.S., he did retire at age 62, which is a little early. But still, I though medicare and the prescription drug plan took care of this sort of thing. There is a legitimate fear that medical costs will use up all your obtained wealth. I'm not sure of the solution — but it is a legitimate subject of national conversation.

* The gentlemen whose company raided and destroyed his pension. Yeah, something needs to be done about that.

* The people who were worried about jobs' getting shipped overseas. I've only got one cheer for globalization, and I know quite a few people in the IT field who work with lower-paid partners overseas.

4. Obama really had me going when he talked about the United States as a whole, especially the part about how everyone has a grandparent or great-grandparent from overseas, who worked for low wages in a factory, who worked in a coal mine. True in my case. Two grandparents from overseas.

My biggest objection is the undercurrent that things are bad: I think only a spoiled generation which has lost its perspective could possibly thing that things are overall bad in this country, or the past eight years have been some kind of economic disaster. In fact, we had two years to recover from the recession Clinton bequeathed us, four years of terrific economic performance, and two years of slow economic growth that's only now heading into a recession. (Slow economic growth that coincides with the Democrats' taking over Congress.)

Perhaps things are not going as well as possible. There are serious problems. But the idea that we need to abandon our current economic model and bring about sweeping changes to create a European-style social democracy (a model Europe is increasingly looking critically at, by the way), is to assume we have far more to gain than lose.

I don't agree. I think we have far more to lose than gain by these sweeping changes — which is why I'm a conservative.

One last thing: Those who are claiming this economic crisis is caused by deregulation really have it backward. And this is something Obama has said over and over again — that the credit crunch is the failure of Bush's policies. Some people have seen it as the final failure of the Reagan supply-side model. Again, I'd point you to Europe — Bush wasn't the president of Europe, but they're having worse problems over there. They don't suffer from a surfeit of deregulation. What we have is a crisis in the existing system — a reason to fix the problem, not abandon the model.

This reminds a little bit of an ex-girlfriend of mine whose father cheated on her mother and the whole sordid thing came out after 14 years. So she decided that she was going to date women instead of men — because men, you know, can't be trusted to be faithful. Let me know how that works out for you, I said. Sure enough, three years later, she came by with a litany of complaints about dating women. Um, yeah. And that's what happens when you think in generalities and models, instead of identifying specific problems within the existing system and fixing those. Follow?


Does this feel like the longest World Series game ever?
Right. It is. How about we just play half inning a day until it's over. Meanwhile, GO PHILLIES!

OK, we got one across in the bottom of the sixth.

UPDATE: Crap. Baldelli launches the first pitch into the left field bleachers.

Double crap. Single.

Ryan Madson, so brilliant lately, taken out of the game.

Damn you can cut the pressure with a box cutter ... c'mon Fightin' Phils!

Lucky play at home. Out of inning. Whew! That was almost a big inning.

Bottom of seventh. Has Pat Burrell ever gotten a hit? Oh. A leadoff double. And it's Pat's first hit of the series. Wind kept it in the park. Fightin' Phils.

You know you're slow when a bearded white guy pinch runs for you.

OK, new pitcher. Commercials. Meanwhile, that nice Obama man apparently did some sort of pre-game show. While it was in many ways moving, I couldn't help noticing that every one of the families featured seemed to be doing quite well. They were driving newer cars, lived in houses, one family had to limit their snacks ... Seems like they've all done quite well in the past 28 years of ...

Oh wait, we're back to the game.

Chad Bradford pitching for the Rays. Victorino up. Go Shane! I agree with Tim McCarver — swing away, don't bunt. Two strikes trying to bunt. This is pathetic. OK, he swings and hits it to the right side of the infield, moving the bearded pinch runner along. One out. Fightin' Phils!

Pedro Feliz gets a hit up the middle! 4-3 Phils!

Carlos Ruiz up. Man this is stressful. 0-1 count. Ford commercial. Strike two. Ugh. Go Carlos. Near hit. Japanese guy saves a hit. Yamamoto caught the ball behind him. Amazing.

JC Romero pitcher bats. Fair enough. Fightin' Phils! Romero makes an out.

Commercial. Two innings to go. I need a cigarette.

C'mon Romero. It's a 3-1 count, though. What's with the walk? OK, strike two! Let's go Romero! Fightin' Phils ...

Merde! A leadoff single. Worse part of the lineup, but double play!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

Oh wait ... there's one more batter to go. C'mon, JC, you're the man. Fightin' Phils!

Ball two. C'mon Romero. Pretend it's a zombie movie. Eat their brains. 3-0 count, Romero looks nervous and scared. C'mon, buddy. Strike! Good, 3-1. Whew! Fly out to the bearded white pinch runner, who apparently is still in the game. Fortunately, the ball was hit exactly where he was staning. Fightin' Phils!

Space oddity commercial. Battery commercial. Blackberry commercial. PC commercial.

Bottom of eighth. I'm up! No, that's my imagination. I'm actually at home.

Dave Price on the mound for the Rays.

Rollins up. C'mon, let's add to this lead. Make it like game four. 2-0. Shit! Wind knocks down another home run for a very very long out. Let's go Werth!

2-1 count to Werth. 3-2 fouled back. K. Two outs.

Chase Utley. 2-0. 3-0. Strike 3-1. C'mon Utley. Bad swing. 3-2. Two out walk!

Ryan Howard, the boomer. (OK, that was George Scott.) A couple of insurance runs, Ryan. Big Boom here.

Pitching coach goes to mound ...

High strike. Ball. 1-1. Man this is stressful. 2-1. Stolen base. Nice play Utley. Single gets the insurance run. C'mon. Fouled off. Full count. Swing-and-miss. K.

Longoria. Navarro. Baldelli. Sheesh, this is tough. Brad Lidge pitching. Shrimp and chicken olive garden commercial. Car commercial. Never mind the Cialis commercial. Blackberry commercial. Sure wish that Rollins hit had gone out.

Lidge pitching. Fightin' Phils!

Shut up Joe Buck!

Evan Longoria up. 0-2. Let's get that first out!

Didn't fool him with the slider. 1-2. High and inside 2-2. Fouled off. Not a good sign. That means he's starting to time the pitch.

Fly out shallow center, Utley grabs it. One out.

Let's get that second out ...

Navarro. Strike One. Fools him with that slider. Strike Two. Crap! Broken bat single.

Tying run on.

Double crap! Stolen base. 2-1 count. Lined to right at Werth. Two outs. Zicost or whoever really hammered it, but Werth caught it. Two out.

Eric Pinsky up. Homered last time. Fightin' Phils!

Fouled, strike one. Check swing, strike two on the slider.

Strike Three! Phillies win the series! Strike Three! Phillies win the series! Strike Three! Phillies win the series! Strike Three! Phillies win the series! Strike Three! Phillies win the series! Strike Three! Phillies win the series! Strike Three! Phillies win the series! Strike Three! Phillies win the series! Strike Three! Phillies win the series! Strike Three! Phillies win the series! Strike Three! Phillies win the series! Strike Three! Phillies win the series! Strike Three! Phillies win the series! Strike Three! Phillies win the series! Strike Three! Phillies win the series! Strike Three! Phillies win the series! Strike Three! Phillies win the series! Strike Three! Phillies win the series! Strike Three! Phillies win the series! Strike Three! Phillies win the series! Strike Three! Phillies win the series! Strike Three! Phillies win the series! Strike Three! Phillies win the series! Strike Three! Phillies win the series! Strike Three! Phillies win the series! Strike Three! 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Topsy-turvy, religion with and without the hate, and who-hates-more
Recently, I deleted a comment from a commenter who's only statement was that he was a liberal catholic, that is, religious without the hate. Since it seemed apropos of nothing, and I didn't know the person, I deleted it.

Also, recently, someone mentioned that we conservatives live in a topsy-turvy world, where up is down and right is wrong and all that. Which is funny, because that's pretty much how I feel about liberals.

And finally, someone mentioned that the hate is much worse on the right than on the left ... at which point, I had to really wonder.

So let's take the wayback machine for a while, to the early 80s. As some of you know, I used to be pretty liberal. More correctly, I was an extreme social libertarian, but culturally and economically liberal, and close to a pacifist. In other words, if I hadn't remained the same, today I'd fit in quite nicely, including even a lot of the PC crap.

So what went wrong? I came to some conclusions: That race, gender and class weren't social constructs, that most Americans bitch and moan and complain, but have virtually no idea whatsoever how good they have it, and that a lot of our social problems and even personal problems are rooted in popular-but-ineffective patterns of thinking combined with the eternal limitations of the human condition. There's enough heresy in there to drive you from contemporary liberalism.

Then, on top of it, there were a few religious experiences: These were truly frightening, in some ways, because they literally swept away my preconceptions and blew up my paradigms — and a lot of what was blown away is what I hear every day in my daily life and on the blogs. I sometimes feel like crying from the rooftops — "You're being deceived. You're being played. You're buying into the madness. You're listening to every little lie Satan whispers in your ear and spreading his lies to others." It can be exhausting. Here I am, trying to be a regular middle class person, and I've got this scary side to me that wants to knock people's hats off in the street and say — don't you get it? Don't you see? The poets, the prophets, the composers — don't you see what they were getting at? Don't you see the logic behind it all? Can't you look around you and see the magnificence of the intelligence behind all this, the eternal logos, that is, the source of cosmic reason? Can you imagine Him? I want to hold up beautiful flowers and say — see? Can you hear their music? A rock, a mountain, a stream, an ocean, a breeze, a hurricane, a spark, a flame — see? Can you see Him there? It's so obvious! Do you realize what this means?

But I don't. Better to appear respectable in public and confine my visions to this blog, read, nearest I can tell, by 10 people a universe, most of whom disagree with much or most of what I say.

Le Corbusier said a house is a machine to live in. Gramsci said culture is class warfare. Foucault said knowledge is repression. Various atheists have tried to tell you that your brain and your mind are the same thing. I hear these lies parroted again and again in different ways, by different people, sometimes by people I love and otherwise respect.

No! No! No! The meat-machine people, so eager to avoid Judgment, tell you simultaneously that you are an animal who makes no choices but do whatever your brain tells you (and since your brain is a machine, it's pre-programmed by genetics or programmed on the fly by the environment — in either case, you're not making choices). Then they turn around and tell you that man's highest purposes somehow can be realized by these meat-machines that don't actually make choices. It's a contradictory mess.

So, oh yes, liberalism. (Straightens shirt, lights cigarette.) Truth and beauty.

One day, I'm teaching in a Camden, NJ, High School. The kids aren't well-educated, but they're pretty well-mannered, except for one of two. Class goes well. The kids learn a little; I learn a little; we cover the material and we all go home. Similar high school, North Philly: The kids are monstrous, rude, vicious, ignorant, aggressive, and willfully stupid. They don't learn a thing, and I learn that the problem with inner city schools is not lack of resources, but a lack of cultural capital within these communities, and a lack of willingness on the part of the state to enforce discipline. The difference was not resources between these schools, not class, race, or gender. It was manners. It was caring. It was willingness. It was all the old-fashioned cultural capital stuff, the stuff liberals can't stop ridiculing the shit out of, as if it's all hypocrisy. But I went, and not just there but other places, too, and I saw the same thing — civilization is about cultural capital. The underclass is caused by the poor adopting the worldview of irresponsible liberal intellectuals, whose wealth (heck, call it class privilege) protects them from the consequences of their own irresponsibility.

But turn around and all I hear from liberals is how ill-funded our schools are. Bullshit. They are funded just fine. They could succeed with half the funds they have, if the kids came from decent homes. But you say that and you get called racist, or judgmental, or worse, Republican. And then I investigate and discover that the teachers have no rights, the students have all the rights, and because they know there will be few consequences of their actions, and that teachers and school districts response to all this is to create a huge public union bureaucracy designed to consume public taxes and deliver pensions, and indulge in endless hand-wringing and studies because it doesn't work.

And I want to grab these motherfucking ignorant little shits from DailyKos and TPM and a few other sights and frogmarch them down to that hell hole high school ... but first, no, first let's take them up to the elementary school run by a Baptist preacher ... that's where these same little monsters, well, they're not monsters yet. They are still hopeful, they still want to hold onto something permanent, someone to love them, and they still believe they're gonna get that ... but three years later, they're so bitter and angry and furious at the betrayal — not of us in the suburbs, but of their own fathers, the drugs that destroy their parents, the gangs that fill the places, their own self-hatred. And I want to take them to both schools and say you stupid dipshit pussy cock-sucking little pricks — here's your welfare statism, that fostered dependence and destroyed these people's families, look at what you're doing — these are real flesh-and-blood people and your public-union, we need more resources mentality while intentionally undermining exactly the type of cultural virtues that would save their lives and give them a shot at the American Dream — I want to grab them by the back of their necks and say — look you damned jackass liberal pussies — you're so busy screaming about undermining marriage and the glories of sodomy and being non-judgmental — and you let these poor people be crucified, and you will well deserve your own personal hole in the fires of Hell for supporting the arguments and politicians and excuses that let these people suffer and ruin their souls.

But I don't say that. Because that would be unseemly. Rude. Mean-spirited. Hate-filled. Judgmental.

I have never forgotten a job interview at that elementary school where as I entered the building a child in the hall turned to me with hope in his eyes and said, "Are you going to be with us forever?" I had barely gotten in the door. It broke my heart. There was so much abandonment, yet the humanity was still there — but how much was left by high school. That boy — I don't know what happened. But what I saw in the high school was feral barbarism coupled with extreme fear. That little boy going into that blender ...

This isn't about race. I've lived and taught in Africa, and for a shorter time lived in the Philippines, and nothing I saw there came near to the cultural impoverishment and soul-suffering in a Western inner city. Not even close. (I'm talking day-to-day living; the Rwanda genocide happened while I was overseas and we only felt a few ripples of that — I'm talking ordinary village life v. ordinary city life.)

So on the dark days, I want to shake every idiot who allows this to happen — and it's the legal system that won't allow discipline, the families that fail to form, the nonstop cultural pollution that trickles down to them, and the liberal policies who cover it all up like they're the victims of an economic hegemony and Republican oppression, when the truth is businessmen would love to hire these people because they'll hire anyone who is productive and enterprising, and the real problem is no one socialized these people in how to live happy, satisfying, productive lives. Better to undermine religion, which may have given their lives dignity and meaning. Better to glorify sexual promiscuity, because they can after all kill the baby. Better to undermine the family and fatherhood with insane welfare policies that kill human dignity. Better to be nonjudgmental about single motherhood, without looking at how difficult it is to rein in boys who have not been raised by strong, present fathers, how quickly they turn to crime, and how a small pack of them can terrorize a community and render it inhabitable. Better to just warehouse them when their older in jail than give them a good spanking when they were younger.

So if I seem topsy-turvy, perhaps that's why. Will you be here with us forever? No kid, a friend of mine is going to take this job instead. I'm going to try to convince people of what I've seen, but it doesn't matter, because my words have long since been drowned out by a chorus of others — people who haven't seen and don't want to know ...

Do you get it? Do you see? Is your precious self-image that you're on the side of these people so important that you can deny their suffering. These people were created in the image and likeness of God Almighty; they were born to be saints, but no ... you had to have your precious anointed liberal vision that giving them money and undermining their values would make you feel better, that you were doing something, but what you were doing was make it as difficult as possible for them to develop the virtues that their grandfathers and grandmothers had, to demand choices from them that would fly in the face of everything they'd see every day. Not to mention half the souls that are sacrificed on the altar of "choice" in these cities. Do you get it?

Perhaps this entry will be down by morning. Read it quickly. I'm going to bed.
Good cop, bad cop
A heavily Democratic Congress will be bad cop. Obama will be good cop. And it'll work -- because good cop, bad cop works.
Fightin' Phils
So the Phillies are up 3-1 and finally broke through. As Joe Morgan said -- the thing about leaving 43 men on base is you had 43 men on base. Sooner or later, you're gonna break through. And in the second half of the game last night, during the Phillies 10-2 victory, the Phillies started to get those base runners across home plate. Let's hope it continues for one more game. Go Cole Hamels, and go Phillies' batters.

Ain't it grand? Best of times, worst of times, eh?
'We're really not going to do this', or banana-republic politics
Elect Obama, that is. This is the latest transcript of showing what a ... well, a nut he is. And that the press let him get away with this -- is disgraceful.

You know, if you look at the victories and failures of the civil-rights movement, and its litigation strategy in the court, I think where it succeeded was to vest formal rights in previously dispossessed peoples. So that I would now have the right to vote, I would now be able to sit at a lunch counter and order and as long as I could pay for it, I’d be okay, but the Supreme Court never entered into the issues of redistribution of wealth, and sort of more basic issues of political and economic justice in this society.

And uh, to that extent, as radical as I think people tried to characterize the Warren Court, it wasn’t that radical. It didn’t break free from the essential constraints that were placed by the Founding Fathers in the Constitution — at least as it’s been interpreted, and Warren Court interpreted it in the same way, that generally the Constitution is a charter of negative liberties: [It] says what the states can’t do to you, says what the federal government can’t do to you, but it doesn’t say what the federal government or the state government must do on your behalf.

And that hasn’t shifted, and one of the, I think, the tragedies of the civil-rights movement was because the civil-rights movement became so court-focused, uh, I think that there was a tendency to lose track of the political and community organizing and activities on the ground that are able to put together the actual coalitions of power through which you bring about redistributive change. And in some ways we still suffer from that ...

You know, I’m not optimistic about bringing about major redistributive change through the courts. The institution just isn’t structured that way. [snip] You start getting into all sorts of separation of powers issues, you know, in terms of the court monitoring or engaging in a process that essentially is administrative and takes a lot of time. You know, the court is just not very good at it, and politically, it’s just very hard to legitimize opinions from the court in that regard.

So I think that, although you can craft theoretical justifications for it, legally, you know, I think any three of us sitting here could come up with a rationale for bringing about economic change through the courts.” (Emphasis mine.)


Right, Obama. In the United States, the government is not mandated to do things on your behalf. That's a different form of government.

And when someone talks about economic justice, what they mean is taking your money away using the coercive power of the state and giving it to approved groups. This is banana-republic politics. Yes, we've already done some of this -- but Obama is talking in terms that are radically leftist, meaning massive wealth transfers.

I have two hopes: Somehow McCain pulls this out, and that Obama will moderate once he's president. Because if he starts these massive wealth transfers, he'll not only destroy this economy, he'll do what Peron did to Argentina -- take a wealthy, first-world country and turn it into a third-world mess: all while being applauded by the approved groups.

Democracy, as is often said, has an achilles heel: What do you do when people discover they can vote themselves payments from the national treasury? We're already been doing that for a long time, but not in such a degree that we've tanked our country. Yet. What Obama's talking about, if he actually does is, will tank our country.

Let's hope he doesn't mean it.
Jane's Law and the Transition Game
Just scanning the blogs of all political persuasions, I've noticed that everyone has stories of politically motivated violence against their supporters -- but not of their own supporters attacking the other side.

Hmm ...

Plus, there's a been a few hoaxes.

People draw conclusions that the other side is filled with thugs and they're innocent victims.

Maybe what we're really seeing is a transitional period of Jane's Law. Jane's Law, you may recall, is what Megan McArdle identified as: "The devotees of the party in power are smug and arrogant. The devotees of the party out of power are insane." Right now, with things up in the air, nobody is quite sure whether to be smug and arrogant, or insane. So, a bit of chaos right now on the edges among the less stable members of the various political parties.


Don't stand in crowds and punch the air
If you don't believe in God, you'll believe in anything, Chesterton used to say. That's one reason why Americans are currently being played by a dangerous demagogue. David Warren joins the Cassandras here:

In my world, you don't humour a politician who presents "Change," "Unity," and especially, "Hope," as hypnotic mantras, with the power of enchantment over very large crowds. And you especially don't humour such a politician at a time when both country and world are unstable, and hard decisions will have to be made.

Deeper than this: Obama has presented himself from the start as a messianic, "transformational" leader — and thus played deceitfully with ideas that belong to religion and not politics. That he has done this so successfully is a mark of the degree to which the U.S. itself, like the rest of the western world, has lost its purchase on the Christian religion. Powerful religious impulses have been spilt, secularized.

In this climate, people tend to be maniacally opposed to the sin to which they are not tempted: to giving Christ control over the things that are Caesar's. But they are blind to the sin to which they are hugely tempted: giving Caesar control over the things that are Christ's.

"Faith, hope, and charity" are Christ's things. They apply, properly, outside time — to a "futurity" that is not of this world. They must not be applied to any earthly utopia. A Caesar who appropriates otherworldly virtues, is riding upon very dangerous illusions. Follow him into dreamland, and you'll be lucky to wake up.


Remember, Cassandra was right. The historical illiteracy, the lack of understanding of how propaganda works, the susceptibility of sentimental people to fascism — no matter what happens, these characteristics remain in copious amounts in about half our population right now. It's downright scary.

I said at least 15 years ago that teens who grew up thrusting their hands in crowds at rock concerts would one day be sufficiently softened up rationally and critically to do the same things at political rallies. And that day has arrived. Yes, Obama is by far the worst offender, but I'm starting to hear it on the right, too.

Regardless if we hold off the deluge this time around, the threat is still there. The Germans worshipped music, too.
Tyranny of Liberalism
“The tyranny of liberalism” seems a paradox. Liberals say that they favor freedom, reason, and the well-being of ordinary people. Many people consider them high-minded and fair to a fault, “too broadminded to take their own side in a quarrel,” too soft to govern effectively. Even the word “liberal” suggests “liberty.” How can such an outlook and the social order it promotes be tyrannical?

The answer is that wanting freedom is not the same as having it. Political single-mindedness leads to oppression, and a tyranny of freedom and equality is no less possible than one of virtue or religion. We cannot be forced to be free or made equal by command, but since the French Revolution the attempt has become all too common and the results have often been tyrannical.

Tyranny is not, of course, what liberals have intended. They want government to be based on equal freedom, which they see as the only possible goal of a just and rational public order. But the functioning of any form of political society is determined more by the logic of its principles than the intentions of its supporters. Liberals view themselves as idealistic and progressive, but such a self-image conceals dangers even if it is not wholly illusory. It leads liberals to ignore considerations, like human nature and fundamental social and religious traditions, that have normally been treated as limits on reform. Freedom and equality are abstract, open-ended, and ever-ramifying goals that can be taken to extremes. Liberals tend to view these goals as a simple matter of justice and rationality that prudential considerations may sometimes delay but no principle can legitimately override. In the absence of definite limiting principles, liberal demands become more and more far-reaching and the means used to advance them ever more comprehensive, detailed, and intrusive.

The incremental style of liberalism obscures the radicalism of what it eventually demands and enables it always to present itself as moderate. What is called progress—in effect, movement to the left—is thought normal in present-day society, so to stand in its way, let alone to try to reverse accepted changes, is thought radical and divisive. We have come to accept that what was inconceivable last week is mainstream today and altogether basic tomorrow. The result is that the past is increasingly discredited, deviancy is defined up or down, and it becomes incredible that, for instance, until 1969 high school gun-club members took their guns to school on New York City subways, and that in 1944 there were only forty-four homicides by gunshot in the entire city.

Human life is harder to change than are proclaimed social standards. It is easier to denounce gender stereotypes than to make little boys and little girls the same. The triumph of liberalism in public discussion and the consequent disappearance of openly avowed nonliberal principles has led the outlook officially established to embody liberal views ever more completely and at the same time to diverge more and more from the permanent conditions of human life. The result has been a growing conflict between public standards and the normal human understandings that make commonsense judgments and good human relations possible.

The conflict between public standards and normal understandings has transformed and disordered such basic aspects of social life as politics, which depends on free and rational discussion; the family, which counts on a degree of harmony between public understandings and natural human tendencies; and scholarship, which relies on complex formal rules while attempting to explain reality. As a consequence, family life is chaotic and ill-tempered; young people are badly instructed and badly raised; politics are irrational, trivial, and mindlessly partisan; and scholarship is shoddy and disconnected from normal experience. Terms such as “zero tolerance” and “political correctness” reveal how an official outlook deeply at odds with normal ways of thinking has become oppressive while claiming to have reached an unprecedented level of fairness and rationality.


Read the whole thing.
Wow -- Star Ledger buys out 40% of editorial staff
If the Star-Ledger is in trouble financially, then things are very bleak indeed in the newspaper industry. The Star-Ledger has virtually no newspaper competition in some of the richest, densest-populated and business-packed counties in the nation -- it has every advantage you could imagine.

But in the struggle between new media and old media, well, we have an extremely disruptive situation. Worse, most newspapers, eager (and a little desperate) to get in on new media, gave away their product for free on the Internet. It was short-sighted and allowed bloggers to gain a foothold by doing all the heavy lifting -- that is, reporting -- for them. Now the piper's being paid. And the cost is high.
Ambiguity
I am sorry. There's a function on my blogging interface called "rewrite history." I assumed that was a noun followed by a verb. But it turns out that it's a special button that allows me to rewrite human history. I have disabled it -- yes, the old story about rewriting the past turned out to be true. I have been up half the night re-establishing the current time line to set right all the disasters I created; fortunately, all those problems disappeared when those time lines collapsed. Well, at least all of them. Unfortunately, there three past changes I made to the time line that we'll just have to live with. I guess in the interest of full disclosure:

1. Actually, the Red Sox didn't trade Babe Ruth. I had to do that ... never mind, it just solved a lot of problems with the timeline, and I had to write in a series of disasters for the Red Sox in the 20th Century to try to counteract some changes I made in World War I -- right now, though, basically, everything is as it was, except that the Yankees won an extra 20 World Series or so. Sorry about that.

2. I couldn't get rid of Jimmy Carter, no matter how I tried. In one timeline I came back to discover Ted Kennedy running for his 7th presidential term. In another one the Red Sox had won a bunch of World Series and the whole WWI changes unraveled and never mind ... you don't want to know.

3. Actually, Y2K was a monumental disaster ... far far worse than the current timeline. I just pretended it wasn't a problem and while we've had a rough decade, it beats what really happened.

Anyway, I'm not sure I'm going to use that functionality again. BTW, you can make many more innocuous changes in the past than you think. I stomped out a whole field of butterflies, just 'cuz. Nothing changed. But change one big thing and pfft! everything's different.
Meanwhile, back at the World Series
Chase Utley and Ryan Howard have just hit back-to-back homers to take a 4-1 lead in Game 3. Go Phils!

Obama support and the issue of dependence
Vulcan Hammer suggests that Generation Y, who are among Obama's biggest supporters, have a real issue with dependence:

It’s no secret that the overwhelming majority of this generation supports Barack Obama for President. They have done so since the beginning of the Democrat primary process (which was a long time ago!) What Coursey set forth helps to explain why that’s so.

Back at the first of the year (when this primary process was moving into high gear,) I made the following statement:

…the Republicans’ core problem in moving forward this election year…simply put, is that Americans in general are less and less willing to be self-reliant, and a desire to be self-reliant is a key ingredient in a conservative society.

The characterisation of Generation Y only adds one more reason why this is so. A generation that tightly bonded to parents is simply not as self-reliant as those who went before, their own manifest shortcomings notwithstanding.

Both Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton promised a “nanny state” in response to this. But Obama ended up triumphing. Obviously he did a better job connecting to Generation Y in his style of campaigning. But there’s something else at work: he is, in effect, a surrogate parent for a generation used to looking to parents for so much.


Interesting. This isn't something I've thought of before -- but yes, this is a generation (some individuals excepted, of course) that has known nothing but peace and prosperity, have never been tempered and tested through hard times, and haven't properly separated from their parents. Obama as surrogate daddy.

The lack of parental separation and self-reliance ... yeah, that's an issue for a couple of Obama supporters I know.

Let's hope McCain finds a way to pull this off, because I don't feel like finding out the hard way if Obama will be the next Bill Clinton, Jimmy Carter, Juan Peron, Pierre Trudeau, Huey Long, or Neville Chamberlain.

And pray. I will. Here's some more sobering thoughts:


- but I sense what's occurring in this election is a recklessness and abandonment of rationality that has preceded the voluntary surrender of liberty and security in other places....

But beyond the elites and the media, my greatest concern is whether this election will show a majority of the voters susceptible to the appeal of a charismatic demagogue. This may seem a harsh term to some, and no doubt will to Obama supporters, but it is a perfectly appropriate characterization. Obama's entire campaign is built on class warfare and human envy. The "change" he peddles is not new. We've seen it before. It is change that diminishes individual liberty for the soft authoritarianism of socialism. It is a populist appeal that disguises government mandated wealth redistribution as tax cuts for the middle class, falsely blames capitalism for the social policies and government corruption (Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac) that led to the current turmoil in our financial markets, fuels contempt for commerce and trade by stigmatizing those who run successful small and large businesses, and exploits human imperfection as a justification for a massive expansion of centralized government. Obama's appeal to the middle class is an appeal to the "the proletariat," as an infamous philosopher once described it, about which a mythology has been created. Rather than pursue the American Dream, he insists that the American Dream has arbitrary limits, limits Obama would set for the rest of us — today it's $250,000 for businesses and even less for individuals. If the individual dares to succeed beyond the limits set by Obama, he is punished for he's now officially "rich." The value of his physical and intellectual labor must be confiscated in greater amounts for the good of the proletariat (the middle class). And so it is that the middle class, the birth-child of capitalism, is both celebrated and enslaved — for its own good and the greater good. The "hope" Obama represents, therefore, is not hope at all. It is the misery of his utopianism imposed on the individual.

Unlike past Democrat presidential candidates, Obama is a hardened ideologue. He's not interested in playing around the edges. He seeks "fundamental change," i.e., to remake society. And if the Democrats control Congress with super-majorities led by Nancy Pelosi and Harry Reid, he will get much of what he demands.

The question is whether enough Americans understand what's at stake in this election and, if they do, whether they care. Is the allure of a charismatic demagogue so strong that the usually sober American people are willing to risk an Obama presidency? After all, it ensnared Adelman, Kmiec, Powell, Fried, and numerous others. And while America will certainly survive, it will do so, in many respects, as a different place.